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The Introduction to a collection of speeches and writings could usefully be a description of the events and changing circumstances of the period during which they were produced. But it is not my intention to provide such a background.

To a large extent the items in this book explain their own context, and the events or developments which provoked them; for the rest I think the preliminary paragraphs give sufficient information to make their inclusion intelligible. Instead I propose to enlarge upon the socialist goal which Tanzania has accepted as its objective, and upon the manner iu which Tanzania can progress towards this goal.

The Tanganyika African National Union has been formally committed to socialism since it revised its constitution almost immediately after Tanganyika's independence in December 1961. Much of the legislation and many of the policies adopted by the different Governments—both before and after the Upon with Zanzibar—reflected that commitment. Yet it gradually became clear that the absence of a generally accepted and easily understood statement of philosophy and policy was causing problems, and some Government and Party actions were having the effect of encouraging the growth of non-socialist institutions, values, and attitudes. This was happening because the implications of our broad commitment to socialism were not understood.

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The Introduction to a collection of speeches and writings could usefully be a description of the events and changing circumstances of the period during which they were produced. But it is not my intention to provide such a background.

To a large extent the items in this book explain their own context, and the events or developments which provoked them; for the rest I think the preliminary paragraphs give sufficient information to make their inclusion intelligible. Instead I propose to enlarge upon the socialist goal which Tanzania has accepted as its objective, and upon the manner in which Tanzania can progress towards this goal.

The Tanganyika African National Union has been formally committed to socialism since it revised its constitution almost immediately after Tanganyika's independence in December 1961. Much of the legislation and many of the policies adopted by the different Governments both before and after the Upion with Zanzibar reflected that commitment.

Yet it gradually became clear that the absence of a generally accepted and easily understood statement of philosophy and policy was causing problems, and some Government and Party actions were having the effect of encouraging the growth of non-socialist institutions, values, and attitudes. This was happening because the implications of our broad commitment to socialism were not understood.

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Ujamaa ni Imani, Hotuba aliyoitoa Mwalimu Julius K. Nyerere, tarehe 2, Novemba, 1978

Nimewaombeni tukusanyike tena hapa niwaelezeni jambo ambalo kwa sasa wote mnalijua, lakini nadhani si vibaya nikilieleza. Nitajitahidi kulieleza kwa kifupi.
Wakati nilipokuwa katika ziara kule Songea juraa la pili la mwezi uliopita, ilitangazwa habari kutoka Uganda kwamba Jeshi la Tanzania limeingia Uganda, limechukua sehemu kubwa ya Uganda, na linaua watu ovyo.

Siku hiyo ulipotangazwa uwongo huo nilikuwa nimealikwa kwenye chakula na vijana wetu wa Jeshi la Wananchi pale Songea. Kwa hiyo nikachukua nafasi hiyo kukanusha uongo huo, na kwa kweli kuwalaumu hao waliozua uwongo, na pia kuvishutumu vile vyombo vya habari duniani ambavyo vinapenda sana kutangaza-tangaza uwongo wa Amin.

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The Arusha Declaration was passed by TANU in January, 1967. It explained the meaning of Socialism and Self-Reliance, and their relevance to Tanzania. At the same time TANU adopted the Arusha Resolution, and instructed the Government and other public institutions of mainland Tanzania to implement policies which would make Tanzania into a Socialist and Self-Reliant nation.

Action began within twenty-four hours of the publication of the Declaration and Resolution. On 6th February, 1967, ail private Commercial Banks were nationalised; on each of the succeeding four days further steps were taken to bring the economy of the country into the ownership and control of the people.

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Yapo mambo fulani ambayo Kama yasingefanyika ni vigumu kujua historia ya nchi hij ingekuwaje leo hii. Mathalani, kama TANU ingekataa kushiriki katika Uchaguzi wa Kura tatu mwaka 1958, sijui tungekuwa wapi. Hali kadhalika kama Rais Mwalimu Julius K. Nyerere asingeamua kuacria kazi ya ualimu, historia ya ncbi yetu huenda ingekuwa tofauti na ilivyo hivi sasa.

Kupitistiwa kwa Azimio la Arusha, Kuukubali Mwongozo wa Chama, na mengineyo mengi yaliyomo humu Kitabunl ni mkusanyiko ambao Ofisi Kuu imeuita ,uamuzj wa Busara.
Hivyo Kitabu hiki ni cha maana sana kwa historia ya nchi yetu kwani bila Uamuzi uliomo humo Kilabuni. historia yetu isingekuwa kamili.

Yaliyomo
1. Uamuzi Wa Mwalimu Nyerere Kuacha Kazi Ya Ualimu.
2. Tanu Katika Umoja Wa Mataifa (UNO).
3. Kujiuzulu Kwa Mwalimu Nyerere Katika  Baraza La Kutunga  Sheria.
4. Uamuzi Wa Tanu Kukubali Uchaguzi  Wa Kura Tatu Katika Mkutano Mkuu Wa Tabora 1958.
5. Kujiuzulu Kwa Mwalimu Nyerere Katika Uwaziri Mkuu.
6. Kuundwa Kwa Utaratibu Wa Chama Kimoja.
7. Tanganyika Na Unguja Kukubali Kuungana.
8. Tanu Kukubali Azimio La Arusha.
9. Tanu Kukubali Kuupitisha Mwongozo Wa Tanu 1971.

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