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The Introduction to a collection of speeches and writings could usefully be a description of the events and changing circumstances of the period during which they were produced. But it is not my intention to provide such a background.

To a large extent the items in this book explain their own context, and the events or developments which provoked them; for the rest I think the preliminary paragraphs give sufficient information to make their inclusion intelligible. Instead I propose to enlarge upon the socialist goal which Tanzania has accepted as its objective, and upon the manner iu which Tanzania can progress towards this goal.

The Tanganyika African National Union has been formally committed to socialism since it revised its constitution almost immediately after Tanganyika's independence in December 1961. Much of the legislation and many of the policies adopted by the different Governments—both before and after the Upon with Zanzibar—reflected that commitment. Yet it gradually became clear that the absence of a generally accepted and easily understood statement of philosophy and policy was causing problems, and some Government and Party actions were having the effect of encouraging the growth of non-socialist institutions, values, and attitudes. This was happening because the implications of our broad commitment to socialism were not understood.

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My Lord Mayor, Your Excellencies, My Lords, Aldermen, Sheriffs, Ladies and Gentlemen.
First of all, I want to congratulate you on your Swahili performance. And secondly I want to thank you for your warm welcome and the nice things you have said about myself and my country in your own speech.

At the conclusion of my speech in the Guildhall in 1975, I said that Tanzania was too poor not to pay its debts. In the face of my country's large overdue external payments a considerable proportion of which are due to the United Kingdom I repeat: that statement. But the experience of trying to do business with a chaotic world during the past ten years means that I can no longer stop there.

Tanzania is an underdeveloped country in a poor and underdeveloped continent. During the 1960s most cf Africa's newly independent countries including Tanzania made a promising start in economic progress. In the 1970s, and especially the last half of the decade, we ran into difficulty; the 1980s have so far been a period of economic disaster. Almost every African country is in trouble regardless of its political or economic ideology.

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Mr. Speaker; Honourable Members of Parliament.

Today, as it is the last time I shall be addressing this House, I propose to look at some of the things which we have done since I was first entrusted with the task of leading our independent country. 1 want to look at these in the context of the objectives we set ourselves in 1961, 1962, and 1964. I wish, through you, to offer an account to the people who have so consistently re-elected me to lead this country. And I wish to indicate my own provisional assessment of those national achievements and problems which I shall be passing to my successor to deal with in cooperation with the next Parliament.

The single most important task - both for myself and for the people of this country - which I set out in my Inaugural Address in December 1962 was that of buiIding a united nation on the basis of human equality and dignity. When I addressed the United Nations a year before, 1 also promised that the basis of our nation's actions would be an honest attempt to honour the dignity and equality of man - nationally and internationally. And the theme of unity was my central point when I again addressed Parliament on 25th April 1964, asking for the ratification of the Agreement to unite the two independent countries of Tanganyika and Zanzibar.

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Your Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen.
It is my duty and my pleasure to welcome this meeting, and every one of you, to Tanzania and to Arusha. I suspect that some of you may have found that your accommodation gives you too frequent a reminder that this meeting is being held in an under-developed country. I want to assure you that we tried hard! I hope, however, that you will not find your rooms or the facilities so unsatisfactory that you cannot do your work properly. I also hope that there will be an opportunity Tor you to see something of Tanzania. We have a lovely country, and we would like you to enjoy your stay here as well as to serve your countries and the whole Third World.

The Agenda of your Conference is very long; it deals with very important matters. Many technical questions are involved, in which details and percentages can mean the difference between the usefulness or otherwise of a proposal or suggested negotiating position. And these details are the reality of working for a New International Economic Order; unless careful attention is given to them (especially by those entrusted with negotiating power) the Third World demands are mere rhetoric.

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Mr. President, Ladies and Gentlemen, This is my first visit to the University of Toronto but it is very far from being my first contact with it. People from this University have worked at our University College in Dar es Salaam and in many different sectors of our Government; they have made great contributions to our progress. We have many old and valued friends here: people to whom we are indebted for good service gladly rendered.

Let me begin, therefore, by expressing to this University our appreciation for the co-operation and assistance we have received. You have released good people to work with us, and not just sent the people you could most gladly spare! Let me also say "thank you" to the individuals concerned. They have helped us to implement our policies; they have helped us to see and to understand the problems we are faced with; when we have asked, they have suggested alternative solutions to these problems—though I must hasten to add that they bear no responsibility for our failures.

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The Introduction to a collection of speeches and writings could usefully be a description of the events and changing circumstances of the period during which they were produced. But it is not my intention to provide such a background.

To a large extent the items in this book explain their own context, and the events or developments which provoked them; for the rest I think the preliminary paragraphs give sufficient information to make their inclusion intelligible. Instead I propose to enlarge upon the socialist goal which Tanzania has accepted as its objective, and upon the manner in which Tanzania can progress towards this goal.

The Tanganyika African National Union has been formally committed to socialism since it revised its constitution almost immediately after Tanganyika's independence in December 1961. Much of the legislation and many of the policies adopted by the different Governments both before and after the Upion with Zanzibar reflected that commitment.

Yet it gradually became clear that the absence of a generally accepted and easily understood statement of philosophy and policy was causing problems, and some Government and Party actions were having the effect of encouraging the growth of non-socialist institutions, values, and attitudes. This was happening because the implications of our broad commitment to socialism were not understood.

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Arusha Declaration Parliament 1970, In June, 1965 I came to this House to announce the Dissolution of the Independence Parliament, and in September of that year we had our first election under the One Party State Constitution.

Since then we have made many changes in Tanzania; it is appropriate that, at this last regular meeting of what may be called the Arusha Declaration Parliament, I should remind Members of our purposes and out achievements, as well as mention some of the things which remain to be done.

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